Liberating Word
The power of the Bible in the global South
by Phillip Jenkins,
Distinguished Professor of History and Religious Studies,
Pennsylvania State University
Gatherings of the worldwide Anglican
Communion have been contentious events in recent years. On
one occasion, two bishops were participating in a Bible
study, one from Africa, the other from the U.S. As the hours
went by, tempers frayed as the African expressed his
confidence in the clear words of scripture, while the
American stressed the need to interpret the Bible in the
light of modern scholarship and contemporary mores.
Eventually, the African bishop asked in exasperation, "If
you don't believe the scripture, why did you bring it
to us in the first place?"
Fifty years ago, Americans might have
dismissed the conservatism of Christians in the global South
as arising from a lack of theological sophistication, and in
any case regarded these views as strictly marginal to the
concerns of the Christian heartlands of North America and
Western Europe. Put crudely, why would the "Christian world"
have cared what Africans thought? Yet today, as the centre
of gravity of the Christian world moves ever southward, the
conservative traditions prevailing in the global South
matter ever more. To adapt a phrase from missions scholar
Lamin Sanneh: Whose reading—whose Christianity—is normal
now? And whose will be in 50 years?
Of course, Christian doctrine has never
been decided by majority vote, and neither has the
prevailing interpretation of the Bible. Numbers are not
everything. But overwhelming numerical majorities surely
carry some weight. Let us imagine a (probable) near-future
world in which Christian numbers are strongly concentrated
in the global South, where the clergy and scholars of the
world's most populous churches accept interpretations of the
Bible more conservative than those normally prevailing in
American mainline denominations. In such a world, surely,
southern traditions of Bible reading must be seen as the
Christian norm. The culture-specific interpretations of
North Americans and Europeans will no longer be regarded as
"real theology" while the rest of the world produces its
curious provincial variants—"African theology," "Asian
theology" and so on. We will know that the transition is
under way when publishers start offering studies of "North
American theologies."
The move of Christianity to the global
South might suggest a decisive move toward literal and even
fundamentalist readings of the Bible. Traditionalist themes
are important for African and Asian Christians. These
include a much greater respect for the authority of
scripture, especially in matters of morality; a willingness
to accept the Bible as an inspired text and a tendency to
literalistic readings; a special interest in supernatural
elements of scripture, such as miracles, visions and
healings; a belief in the continuing power of prophecy; and
a veneration for the Old Testament, which is often
considered as authoritative as the New. Biblical
traditionalism and literalism are even more marked in the
independent churches and in denominations rooted in the
Pentecostal tradition, and similar currents are also found
among Roman Catholics.
Several factors contribute to a more
literal interpretation of scripture in the global South. For
one thing, the Bible has found a congenial home among
communities that identify with the social and economic
realities the Bible portrays. To quote Kenyan feminist
theologian Musimbi Kanyoro, "Those cultures which are far
removed from biblical culture risk reading the Bible as
fiction." Conversely, societies that identify with the
biblical world feel at home in the text.
The average Christian in the world today
is a poor person, very poor indeed by the standards of the
white worlds of North America and Western Europe. Also
different is the social and political status of African and
Asian Christians, who are often minorities in countries
dominated by other religions or secular ideologies. This
historic social change cannot fail to affect attitudes
toward the Bible. For many Americans and Europeans, not only
are the societies in the Bible—in both testaments—distant in
terms of time and place, but their everyday assumptions are
all but incomprehensible. Yet exactly the issues that make
the Bible a distant historical record for many Americans and
Europeans keep it a living text in the churches of the
global South.
For many such readers, the Bible is
congenial because the world it describes is marked by such
familiar pressing problems as famine and plague, poverty and
exile, clientelism and corruption. A largely poor readership
can readily identify with the New Testament society of
peasants and small craftspeople dominated by powerful
landlords and imperial forces, by networks of debt and
credit. In such a context, the excruciating poverty of a
Lazarus eating the crumbs beneath the rich man's table is
not just an archaeological curiosity.
This sense of recognition is quite clear
for modern dwellers in villages or small towns, but it also
extends to urban populations, who are often close to their
rural roots. And this identification extends to the Old
Testament no less than the New. Madipoane Masenya, a shrewd
feminist thinker from South Africa, comments, "If present
day Africans still find it difficult to be at home with the
Old Testament, they might need to watch out to see if they
have not lost their Africanness in one way or the other."
Could an equivalent remark conceivably be made of
contemporary Europeans or North Americans?
While some resemblances between the
biblical world and the world of African Christians might be
superficial, their accumulated weight adds greatly to the
credibility of the text. The Bible provides immediate and
often material answers to life's problems. It teaches ways
to cope and survive in a hostile environment, and at the
same time holds out the hope of prosperity. For the growing
churches of the South, the Bible speaks to everyday issues
of poverty and debt, famine and urban crisis, racial and
gender oppression, state brutality and persecution. The
omnipresence of poverty promotes awareness of the transience
of life, the dependence of individuals and nations on God,
and distrust of the secular order.
In consequence, the "southern" Bible
carries a freshness and authenticity that adds vastly to its
credibility as an authoritative source and a guide. In this
context, it is difficult to make the familiar Euro-American
argument that the Bible was clearly written for a totally
alien society with which moderns could scarcely identify,
and so its detailed moral laws cannot be applied in the
contemporary world. Cultures that readily identify with
biblical worldviews find it easier to read the Bible
(including the laws of Leviticus) not just as historical
fact but as relevant instruction for daily conduct. This
fact helps us understand the horror of quite moderate
African Christians when Euro-American churches dismiss
biblical strictures against homosexuality as rooted in the
Old Testament, and therefore outmoded.
Before northern liberals despair at the
future, some qualifications are in order. I have written
here of religious and scriptural conservatism, but that term
need not carry its customary political implications. Though
most African and Asian churches have a high view of biblical
origins and authority, this does not prevent a creative and
even radical application of biblical texts to contemporary
debates and dilemmas. Such applications cause real
difficulties for any attempt to apply northern concepts of
liberal and conservative, progressive and
reactionary, fundamentalist and literalist.
According to popular assumptions,
liberal approaches to the Bible emphasize messages of social
action and downplay supernatural intervention, while
conservative or traditionalist views accept the miraculous
and advocate quietist or reactionary politics. The two
mind-sets thus place their main emphases in different
realms, human or supernatural.
Even in the U.S. that distinction is by
no means reliable. There are plenty of left-wing
evangelicals, deeply committed to social and environmental
justice. In churches of the global South, the division makes
even less sense. For example, deliverance in the
charismatic sense of deliverance from demons can easily be
linked to political or social liberation, and the two
words are of course close cognates in some languages. The
biblical enthusiasm so often encountered in the global South
is often embraced by exactly those groups ordinarily
portrayed as the victims of reactionary religion,
particularly women.
In his magnificent book Transfigured
Night, a study of the Zimbabwean night-vigil movement,
the pungwe, Titus Presler reports: "Charismatic
renewal, conflict with demons, and the liberation of women
are other fruits bearing directly on the churches' mission
in Zimbabwe." How often do American Christians place women's
social emancipation in the context of spiritual warfare and
exorcism? But in African churches both are manifestations of
"loosing," of liberation, of deliverance.
At one of these vigils, a woman preacher
drew extraordinary lessons from an unpromising text, the
story of Jesus ordering his disciples to untie a donkey for
his entry into Jerusalem. She applied the passage directly
to the experience of African women: "I have seen that we are
that donkey spoken of by the Lord. . . . Let us give thanks
for this time we were given, the time in which we were
blessed. We were objects. . . . We were not human beings. .
. . Some were even sold. To be married to a man—to be sold!
. . . But with the coming of Jesus, we were set free. . . .
We were made righteous by Jesus, mothers."
Women play a central role in southern
churches, whether or not they are formally ordained. They
commonly constitute the most important converts and the
critical forces making for the conversion of family or of
significant others. Women's organizations and fellowships,
such as the Mothers' Unions, represent critical structures
for lay participation within the churches and allow women's
voices to be heard in the wider society. So do prayer
fellowships and cells, which can be so independent as to
unnerve church hierarchies. Female believers look to the
churches for an affirmation of their roles and their
interests, and they naturally seek justification in the
scriptures, which provide a vocabulary for public debate.
Some texts—like the story of the
donkey—have to be tortured in order to yield the desired
meaning, though given the pervasive interest in deliverance,
any passage that can be linked, however tenuously, to
"loosing" is too good to be ignored. With other texts,
however, liberating interpretations are readily found.
Throughout this process, literalist readings that may appear
conservative in terms of their approach to scriptural
authority have practical consequences that are socially
progressive, if not revolutionary. Reading the Bible teaches
individual worth and human rights, and it encourages mutual
obligation within marriage, promoting the Christian
"reformation of machismo" described by scholar Elizabeth
Brusco. Leaving women to pursue domestic piety through Bible
reading is like forbidding a restive population to carry
weapons while giving them unrestricted access to gasoline
and matches.
Think of the implications of Bible
reading for widows, who in many traditional communities are
excluded and despised, and who are tied to their husbands'
clans even after the husbands die. The New Testament notion
of "till death do us part" is burningly relevant. So is this
claim by Paul in Romans: "If the husband be dead, she is
loosed from the law of her husband." In the West, Romans 7:2
is scarcely a well-known scriptural text, certainly not a
reference that enthusiastic evangelists wave on placards at
sports stadiums. Yet in a global context, this verse may be
a truly revolutionary warrant for change.
Reading as such also carries great
weight. In a neoliterate community, access to the Bible
betokens power and status, and there is no reason why this
gift should be confined to traditional elites. Women—and
young people of both sexes—have most to gain by achieving
literacy. The more conspicuous one's knowledge of the
scriptures, the greater one's claim to spiritual status.
But beyond any single text, the Bible as
a whole offers ample ammunition for the cause of outsiders,
to the dismay of the established and comfortable. People
read of the excluded who become central to the story, of the
trampled and oppressed who become divine vehicles—and of how
God spurns traditional societies, hierarchies and ritual
rules. As David Martin famously wrote in his account of
global South churches, Pentecostalism gives the right and
duty to speak to those always previously deemed unworthy on
grounds of class, race and gender. In the new dispensation,
outsiders receive tongues of fire. The same observation can
be applied across denominational frontiers.
Only when we see global South
Christianity on its own terms—as opposed to asking how it
can contribute to our own debates—can we see how the
emerging churches are formulating their own responses to
social and religious questions, and how these issues are
often viewed through a biblical lens. And often these
responses do not fit well into our conventional ideological
packages.
The socially liberating effects of
evangelical religion should come as no surprise to anyone
who has traced the enormous influence of biblically based
religion throughout African-American history. Black American
politics is still largely inspired by religion and often led
by clergy, usually of charismatic and evangelical bent;
black political rhetoric cannot be understood except in the
context of biblical thought and imagery. African-American
religious leaders are generally well to the left on economic
issues, as are many evangelicals in Latin America, and also
independent and Protestant denominations across Africa. All
find scriptural warrant for progressive views, most commonly
in prophetic and apocalyptic texts.
When viewed on a global scale,
African-American religious styles, long regarded as marginal
to mainstream American Christianity, seem absolutely
standard. Conversely, the worship of mainline white American
denominations looks increasingly exceptional, as do these
groups' customary approaches to biblical authority. Looking
at this reversal, we are reminded of a familiar text: the
stone that was rejected has become the cornerstone.
For a North American Christian, it can
be a surprising and humbling experience to try to understand
how parts of the Bible might be read elsewhere in the world.
To do so, we need to think communally rather than
individually. We must also abandon familiar distinctions
between secular and supernatural dimensions. And often we
must adjust our attitudes to the relationship between Old
and New Testaments.
Any number of texts offer surprises.
Read Ruth, for instance, and imagine what it has to say in a
hungry society threatened by war and social disruption.
Understand the exultant release that awaits a reader in a
society weighed down by ideas of ancestral curses or
hereditary taint, a reader who discovers the liberating
texts about individual responsibility in Ezekiel 18. Or read
Psalm 23 as a political tract, a rejection of unjust secular
authority. For Africans and Asians, the psalm offers a stark
rebuttal to claims by unjust states that they care lovingly
for their subjects—while they exalt themselves to the
heavens. Christians reply simply, "The Lord is my
shepherd—you aren't!" Adding to the power of the psalm, the
evils that it condemns are at once political and spiritual,
forces of tyranny and of the devil. Besides its political
role, Psalm 23 is much used in services of healing, exorcism
and deliverance.
Imagine a society terrorized by a
dictatorial regime dedicated to suppressing the church, and
read Revelation—and understand the core message that
whatever evils the world may produce, God will triumph. Or
read Revelation with the eyes of rural believers in a
rapidly modernizing society, trying to comprehend the
inchoate brutality of the megalopolis. Read Hebrews and
think of its doctrines of priesthood and atonement as they
might be understood in a country with a living tradition of
animal sacrifice. On these grounds, a Ghanaian theologian
has described Hebrews as our epistle—that is, Africa's.
Apply the Bible's many passages about the suffering of
children to the real-world horrors facing the youth of the
Congo, Uganda, Brazil or other countries that before too
long will be among the world's largest Christian countries.
Read in this way, the letter of James is
particularly eye-opening. James is one of the most popular
sermon texts in Africa. Imagine reading this letter in a
world in which your life is so short and perilous that it
truly seems like a passing mist. What implications does that
transience hold for everyday behaviour? The letter is a
manual for a society in which Christianity is new and people
are seeking practical rules for Christian living. The
references to widows appear not as the history of an ancient
social welfare system but as a radical response to
present-day problems affecting millions of women.
As a particularly difficult test for
northern-world Christians, try reading two almost adjacent
passages in chapter five of James—one condemning the rich,
the other prescribing anointing and prayer for healing. Both
texts, "radical" and "charismatic," are integral portions of
a common liberating message.
Think of the numerous forms of captivity
entrapping a poor inhabitant of a Third World
nation—economic, social, environmental, spiritual—and
appreciate the promise of liberation and loosing presented
in Jesus' inaugural sermon in the Nazareth synagogue.
Understand the appeal of this message in a society in
which—to quote a recent journalistic study of poverty in
Lagos—"the frustration of being alive . . . is
excruciating."
When reading almost any part of the
Gospels, think how Jesus' actions might strike a community
that cares deeply about caste and ritual purity, and where
violating such laws might cost you your life—as in India.
Read the accounts of Jesus interacting so warmly with the
multiply rejected. In many societies worldwide, the story of
the Samaritan woman at the well can still startle. He
talked to her? And debated?
Or use the eighth chapter of Luke as a
template for Christian healing and a reaffirmation of the
power of good over evil. Or take one verse, John 10:10, in
which Jesus promises abundant life, and think of its
bewildering implications in a desperately poor society
obviously lacking in any prospect of abundance, or indeed,
of any certainty of life. This one verse may be the most
quoted text in African Christianity, the "life verse" of an
entire continent.
Now recognize that these kinds of
readings, adapted to local circumstances, are quite
characteristic for millions of Christians around the world.
Arguably, in terms of raw numbers, such readings represent
the normal way for Christians to read the Bible in the early
21st century.
After I wrote The Next Christendom
in 2002, I had a bizarre encounter with an elderly and
rather aristocratic Episcopal woman, who praised me for how
effectively I had delineated the growth of new kinds of
Christianity in the global South, with its passion and
enthusiasm, its primitive or apostolic quality, its openness
to the supernatural. She then asked my opinion: As
Americans, as Christians, as Episcopalians—what can we do to
stop this?
I understand her fear, and see why some
northern-world Christians might have concerns about the
emerging patterns of global South Christianity, with its
charismatic and traditional quality. But the prognosis is
nowhere near as bad as she imagined. As so often in the
past, Christianity must be seen as a force for radical
change rather than obscurantism, for unsettling hierarchies
rather than preserving them. On second thought, perhaps she
was exactly right to be alarmed.
Philip Jenkins's book The New
Faces of Christianity: Believing the Bible in the Global
South will be published in September 2006 by Oxford
University Press.
Article Copyright (2006) CHRISTIAN
CENTURY. Reproduced by permission from the July 11 2006
issue of the
CHRISTIAN CENTURY. Subscriptions: $49/year from P.O. Box
378, Mt. Morris, IL 61054. 1-800-208-4097
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